
When asked why they listen to music, the most common response people give is that they like the way music makes them feel. If it is true that music's importance lies in the feelings it evokes in listeners, then it suggests that one should approach the study of music by relating musical organization to human emotion.
While other approaches to describing and analysing music may have value, music scholars are remiss if we fail to examine music from the perspective of emotion.
This document assumes that the reader is familiar with the principal discoveries in the general field of emotion research. A suitable summary is available in another web document.
A problem with the existing research literature concerning emotion is what might be called the emphasis on "big" emotions: fear, anger, joy, surprise, etc. These "big" emotions are not commonly evoked while listening to music. Music rarely evokes fear, anger, or genuine surprise. And while music can bring a listener to a point of elation, much of the music people enjoy is capable only of evoking a somewhat subdued "joy".
There is, I think, a domain of feelings whose effects are more subtle and much less obvious. We might call these miniature feelings "micro-emotions."
Recall, for example, Randolph Nesse's description of those rare individuals who are born without pain sensors. These individuals typically die young. The problem is not that they succumb to major illness such as appendicitis. Instead, they suffer the consequences of serious circulation problems, arising because they don't frequently change posture.
Negative micro-emotions are evident in the following everyday annoyances:
Similar annoyances (micro-emotions) can be found in purely auditory phenomena:
There are exist small pleasures. Examples:
What evidence do we have that micro-emotions have physiological concomitants? Recall tachycardic versus bradycardic heart-rate responses. Tachycardic responses are indicative of mild annoyance while bradycardic responses are indicative of mild interest. These responses can occur many times per minute.
Within a given culture, some sounds appear repeatedly and accrue specific learned associations. These associations can be so specific that the sounds acquire the status of symbols.
In many cases these sound symbols will have emotional connotations.
Some examples:In classical conditioning, learning is linked to some sort of limbic arousal. That is, conditioning arises when the stimulus is linked to a negative or positive feeling.
However, there is another kind of learning that takes place that is not dependent on limbic arousal. In statistical learning, we can learn to respond to "neutral" stimuli as well.
This kind of learning is important, not for what events "mean," but what events presage -- that is, what events imply may occur in the future.
While Meyer pointed out the importance of expectation in musical experience, the subject of expectation has received comparatively little attention by researchers in the field of emotion.
Surprise does not always evoke a "startle response"; most "surprises" may be better described as mini-emotions.
What are the emotional implications of expectation?
| Negative | Neutral | Positive | |
| Expected | Annoyance Resignation Sadness Crankiness | Boredom Stability Repose | Contentment Serenity Reassurance |
| Unexpected | Disappointment Startle Defense Disgust Anger | Interest Surprise | Delight Joy Surprise |
| Delayed | Worry Foreboding Anxiety Tension Fear | Orienting Attention | Anticipation Savoring Relishing Hope Craving |
Why are listeners so preoccupied with the personal lives of their favorite artists?
Recall that people are vigilance to identify expressive emotional deceptions.
This suggests that whenever listeners encounter expressive emotional content, we seek ways to evaluate the sincerity of the source.
When people are asked to describe what it is they like about their favorite music, the following evaluative descriptive terms are common:
genuine, authentic, sincere, real, has integrity, not a sell-out (Huron & Serafini, MS)Might account for:
PET scans appear to provide evidence consistent with experiencing two emotional states concurrently.
It may be that "mixed emotions" are common when apprehending stimuli. In particular, it is possible that reflexive emotional responses (fast brain) and cognitive emotional responses (slow brain) may differ.
This model proposes that six different processes can be identified that are associated with the processing of auditory stimuli. The six processes are: (1) reflexive responses, (2) denotative responses, (3) connotative responses, (4) associative responses, (5) empathetic responses, and (6) critical responses.
By a reflexive response, I mean automatic fast-brain responses such as the startle response or the defense reflex. These responses occur automatically, but may be partially inhibit by the expectation that a particular stimulus will occur. Most reflexive responses are negatively valenced.
By a denotative response, I mean those auditory processes involved in identifying the source of some sound. These might relate to identifying my mother's voice, or identifying that it is the telephone ringing. Denotative processes may or may not result in some sort of emotional response.
By a connotative response, I mean those auditory processes involved in characterizing the quality or "timbre" of sounds. For example, a sound might be perceived as "cute" or "fearful". A sound might connote a large amount of energy, or connote small size.
By a associative response, I mean the evoking of mental associations (often conditioned responses). Associations may be entirely arbitrary as when Pavlov's dogs associated the sound of a bell with food.
By an empathetic response, I mean the deciphering of agency. This relates to determining whether a sound was caused by an inanimate object or an animate being. And if the sound was caused or initiated by an animate being, deciphering the emotional state of that being.
By a critical response, I mean the conscious cognitive process by which the intentions of an agent are evaluated, and the self-reflective monitoring of the appropriateness (or inappropriateness) of one's responses to a sound.
| 1. | Reflexive Response | Yikes!! [startle response] |
| 2. | Denotative Response | Sounds like a door closing. |
| 3. | Connotative Response | Lots of energy present. A large object is moving. |
| 4. | Associative Response | Reminds me of when I lived in England, and the back door used to slam regularly. Such a beautiful view of the Trent River. |
| 5. | Empathetic Response | That's the wind. No cause for panic. |
| 6. | Critical Response | I'm so stupid for not propping the door open better. |
| 1. | Reflexive Response | Yikes!! [startle response] |
| 2. | Denotative Response | Sounds like a door closing. |
| 3. | Connotative Response | Lots of energy present. A large object is moving. |
| 4. | Associative Response | Reminds me of when I lived in England, and the back door used to slam regularly. Such a beautiful view of the Trent River. |
| 5. | Empathetic Response | That's the sound of an angry person. I hear the anger; I feel the anger. |
| 6. | Critical Response | She has a right to be angry, given the circumstance. |
When a sound occurs, I propose that all six types of responses are initiated concurrently. Of course the reflexive responses occur the fastest.